It has been described as “a revolutionary moment in the development of the New Left”[2] and as a “classic explanation of [its] principles”, but it also revealed the tension of the 1960s between communitarianism and individualism. [6] In particular, the Declaration considered race (“symbolized by the South`s struggle against racial fanaticism”) and alienation caused by the Cold War (“symbolized by the presence of the bomb”) as the two main problems of modern society. [7] Use this primary source code to examine important historical events. The statement also presented the SDS`s break with the dominant liberal policies of the post-war years. It was written to reflect their view that all problems in all areas are interconnected. The authors hoped that the movement would not be distracted in single-problem struggles, but at the same time would focus on broader struggles on all fronts. The statement expressed the willingness of the SDS to work with groups, regardless of their political leanings. In doing so, they sought the rejection of the anti-communism that existed at the time. In the simultaneous context of the Cold War, such a declaration of inclusion in the hitherto “evil” communist ideology, and thus also for socialist concepts, was certainly seen as a radical new vision that contrasted with the position of much of the traditional American left. The latter had developed a largely anti-communist orthodoxy following the HUAC and Army-McCarthy hearings.
Without being Marxist or pro-communist, the Port Huron Conference denounced anti-communism as a social problem and an obstacle to democracy. They also criticized the United States for its exaggerated paranoia and exclusive condemnation of the Soviet Union, accusing it of failing to achieve disarmament and peace. In June 1962, a group of mostly white middle-class students gathered in Port Huron, Michigan, to draft a manifesto for students for a democratic society (SDS). The SDS called for the creation of a “New Left”, i.e. a new type of liberalism. As a Cold War document, the Port Huron Declaration is important for several reasons. First, he sharply questioned the nation`s fundamental and bipartisan foreign policy: every price must be paid and every effort made to stop the global spread of communism. Second, the SDS became a vocal and well-organized opponent of the Vietnam War (see Johnson, H.J. Res 1145, Johnson, Ball, SNCC, and Nixon).
Third, by criticizing America`s belief in technology, prosperity, and materialism, the Declaration provided a basis for the counterculture of the 1960s and beyond. With essays by some of the original contributors as well as prominent scholars influenced by the manifesto, the Port Huron Declaration explores the origins, content, and contemporary influence of the document, which heralded the emergence of a vibrant New Left in American culture and politics. The volume begins with an essay by Tom Hayden, which provides a comprehensive reflection on the enduring meaning of the document, and explores the various intellectual and cultural roots of the Declaration, the turbulent dynamic between liberals and radicals that led and followed this convergence, the way participatory democracy was defined and used in the 1960s. and the enduring resonances this idea has for today`s political movements. An annex contains the full text of the original document. that the economy itself is of such social importance that its most important resources and means of production should be subject to open and democratic-social regulation for democratic participation. The 25,700-word statement “articulated the fundamental problems of American society and laid out a radical vision for a better future.” [2] He made a non-ideological call for participatory democracy, “both as a means and as an end”[2], based on non-violent civil disobedience and the idea that individual citizens could help “make the social choices that determine the quality and direction of their lives.” [4] Also known as the “One Generation Agenda,” he introduced “the term `participatory democracy` into everyday language.” [5] The Port Huron Declaration offers a vivid portrait of a unique moment in the history of radicalism and shows that the ideas that inspired a generation of young radicals more than half a century ago are equally important and provocative today. The Port Huron declaration argued that because “the civil rights, peace and student movements are too poor and socially vilified, and the labour movement is too calm,” it should rally support and strengthen itself by looking at universities that enjoy their “permanent position of social influence” and are “the only traditional institution open to the participation of individuals from almost all points of view.” However, he noted that this will include “national efforts to reform the university through an alliance of students and professors” that will “wrest control of the educational process from the administrative bureaucracy,” ally with groups outside the university, “integrate important public issues into the curriculum,” “lead debates and controversies.” In short, “they must consciously build a base for their attack on places of power.” [7] “An imperative task for these publicly disinherited groups is therefore to demand a Democratic Party accountable for their interests.
They must support voter registration in the South and black political candidates, and demand that liberals in the Democratic Party do the same (in the last Congress, the Dixiekrats separated from the Northern Democrats in 119 of the 300 roll calls, mainly for civil rights, land redevelopment, and foreign aid laws; and the violation was much greater than in previous sessions). Labour is expected to launch a major campaign in the South. In the north, reform clubs (independent or democratic) should be formed to compete with big city regimes on issues such as peace, civil rights, and urban needs. .